This article explores the possibility that romantic love is an attachment process-a biosocial process by which affectional bonds are formed between adult lovers, just as affectional bonds are formed earlier in life between human infants and their parents. Key components of attachment theory, developed by Bowlby, Ainsworth, and others to explain the development of attectional bonds in infancy, were translated into terms appropriate to adult romantic love. The translation centered on the three major styles of attachment in infancy-secure, avoidant, and anxious/ambivalent-and on the notion that continuity of relationship style is due in part to mental models (Bowlby's "inner working models") of self and social life. These models, and hence a person's attachment style, are seen as determined in part by childhood relationships with parents. Two questionnaire studies indicated that (a) relative prevalence of the three attachment styles is roughly the same in adulthood as in infancy, (b) the three kinds of adults differ predictably in the way they experience romantic love, and (c) attachment style is related in theoretically meaningful ways to mental models of self and social relationships and to relationship experiences with parents. Implications for theories of romantic love are discussed, as are measurement problems and other issues related to future tests of the attachment perspective.
The possibility that love and work in adulthood are functionally similar to attachment and exploration in infancy and early childhood was investigated. Key components of attachment theory-developed by Bowlby, A insworth, and others to explain the role of attachment in exploratory behavior-were translated into terms appropriate to adult love and work. The translation centered on the 3 major types of infant attachment and exploration identified by Ainsworth: secure, anxious/ambivalent, and avoidant. Two questionnaire studies indicated that relations between adult attachment type and work orientation are similar to attachment/exploration dynamics in infancy and early childhood, suggesting that the dynamics may be similar across the life span. Implications for research on the link between love and work are discussed, as are measurement problems and other issues related to future tests of an attachment-theoretical approach to the study of adults. Tolstoy, in a letter to Valerya Aresenyev, November 9,1856, said, "One can live magnificently in this world if one knows how to work and how to love.. ."(Troyat, 1967, p. 158). Freud is purported to have said that the goal of psychotherapy is to allow the patient to love and to work (Erikson, 1963). The themes of love and work are central to some of the most influential theories of psychological well-being (e.
An integrative framework is proposed for understanding how multiple biological and psychological systems are regulated in the context of adult attachment relationships, dysregulated by separation and loss experiences, and, potentially, re-regulated through individual recovery efforts. Evidence is reviewed for a coregulatory model of normative attachment, defined as a pattern of interwoven physiology between romantic partners that results from the conditioning of biological reward systems and the emergence of felt security within adult pair bonds. The loss of coregulation can portend a state of biobehavioral dysregulation, ranging from diffuse psychophysiological arousal and disorganization to a full-blown (and highly organized) stress response. The major task for successful recovery is adopting a self-regulatory strategy that attenuates the dysregulating effects of the attachment disruption. Research evidence is reviewed across multiple levels of analysis, and the article concludes with a series of testable research questions on the interconnected nature of attachment, loss, and recovery processes.
Working models of attachment in marital functioning were examined. The security and accuracy of working models were measured with a new Q-sort method. Spouses with secure working models (self as relying on partner and partner as psychologically available) showed more constructive modulation of emotion and reported better marital adjustment. The accuracy of internal working models, measured with an objective index of spouses' agreement about models, was associated with independent reports of marital adjustment and observers' ratings of communication in problem-solving and confiding tasks. Behavior in communication tasks showed predictable associations with attachment security. Husbands' attachment security covaried with wives' rejection during problem solving, and wives' security covaried with quality of husbands' listening during a confiding task. A reciprocal interaction view of working models and marital functioning is supported.
A longitudinal study of 177 adults examined the stability of adult attachment styles and of romantic relationships over a 4‐year period. Findings included the following: (a) attachment styles were highly stable over time; (b) Time 1 attachment style was a significant predictor of Time 2 relationship status, but (c) this effect was mediated by concurrent attachment style at Time 2; (d) secure respondents were less likely than insecure respondents to report one or more breakups during the 4‐year interval, but (e) paradoxically, ambivalent respondents were just as likely as secure respondents to be in a relationship with the same partner they had identified 4 years earlier; and (f) attachment stability was moderated to some extent by the experience of breakup or initiation of new relationships during the interim. Respondents' ability to recall their previous attachment style was also examined. Methodological and theoretical implications are discussed, particularly with respect to the conceptualization of attachment styles as traits versus reflections of current relationship status.
We report an investigation of the development of visual expectancies in 3.5-month-old infants. One of the infant's eyes was videorecorded as the infant watched a series of slides that were presented noncontingent on behavior. Babies were presented an alternating and an irregular series of 30 slides with a 700-msec onset duration separated by an interstimulus interval (ISI). The ISI for the alternating series was 1,100 msec, whereas the slides for the irregular series were separated by 900, 1,100, or 1,300 msec, randomly ordered. One-half of the babies saw the irregular series first, and one-half saw the regular series first. Babies in both groups provided evidence that they developed expectations for the visual events in the alternating series. Their reaction times (RTs) declined significantly from 3-5 "baseline" presentations, and their RTs were reliably faster during the alternating than the irregular series. Additionally, babies in the alternating-late group had significantly more stimulus anticipations during the alternating than during the irregular series. These findings indicate that 3.5-month-olds can detect regularity in a spatiotemporal series, will develop expectancies for events in the series, and will act on the basis of those expectancies even when those actions have no effect on the stimulus events. We believe that infants are motivated to develop expectations for noncontrollable spatiotemporal events, because these expectations permit them to bring their visual behavior under partial internal control.
The field of relationship research is currently witnessing an explosion of interest in romantic love. Several theories have been proposed to explain various features of love. This article summarizes some of these and argues that they can be integrated within an attachment-theoretical framework. In the course of the argument, love is conceptualized in terms of emotion theory and as a complex of behavioral systems, involving attachment, caregiving and sex. Although a great deal of research remains to be done, the attachment-theoretical approach to love already offers several advantages over rival approaches.
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