Gender stereotype theory suggests that men are generally perceived as more masculine than women, whereas women are generally perceived as more feminine than men. Several scales have been developed to measure fundamental aspects of gender stereotypes (e.g., agency and communion, competence and warmth, or instrumentality and expressivity). Although omitted in later version, Bem's original Sex Role Inventory included the items “masculine” and “feminine” in addition to more specific gender-stereotypical attributes. We argue that it is useful to be able to measure these two core concepts in a reliable, valid, and parsimonious way. We introduce a new and brief scale, the Traditional Masculinity-Femininity (TMF) scale, designed to assess central facets of self-ascribed masculinity-femininity. Studies 1–2 used known-groups approaches (participants differing in gender and sexual orientation) to validate the scale and provide evidence of its convergent validity. As expected the TMF reliably measured a one-dimensional masculinity-femininity construct. Moreover, the TMF correlated moderately with other gender-related measures. Demonstrating incremental validity, the TMF predicted gender and sexual orientation in a superior way than established adjective-based measures. Furthermore, the TMF was connected to criterion characteristics, such as judgments as straight by laypersons for the whole sample, voice pitch characteristics for the female subsample, and contact to gay men for the male subsample, and outperformed other gender-related scales. Taken together, as long as gender differences continue to exist, we suggest that the TMF provides a valuable methodological addition for research into gender stereotypes.

https://doi.org/10.23641/asha.6484001.

Compared to studies of male speakers, relatively few studies have investigated acoustic correlates of sexual orientation in women. The present investigation focuses on shedding more light on intra-group variability in lesbians and straight women by using a fine-grained analysis of sexual orientation and collecting data on psychological characteristics (e.g., gender-role self-concept). For a large-scale women's sample (overall n = 108), recordings of spontaneous and read speech were analyzed for median fundamental frequency and acoustic vowel space features. Two studies showed no acoustic differences between lesbians and straight women, but there was evidence of acoustic differences within sexual orientation groups. Intra-group variability in median f0 was found to depend on the exclusivity of sexual orientation; F1 and F2 in /iː/ (study 1) and median f0 (study 2) were acoustic correlates of gender-role self-concept, at least for lesbians. Other psychological characteristics (e.g., sexual orientation of female friends) were also reflected in lesbians' speech. Findings suggest that acoustic features indexicalizing sexual orientation can only be successfully interpreted in combination with a fine-grained analysis of psychological characteristics.

Although sexual orientation (SO) is perceptually ambiguous, people are able to detect it with above-chance accuracy from faces and, sometimes, from voices. Despite a multitude of “gaydar” studies, it is unclear (1) whether vocal or facial signals carry more SO information, (2) whether raters refer to target’s SO instead of gender-role conformity when forming SO impressions, and (3) whether there are any differences for female and male targets. We collected face photographs, voice recordings, and self-reported gender-role conformity of 18 lesbian/gay and straight female and male target persons each. Study 1 (rating of SO) showed that faces led to higher accuracies than voices, which was especially true for female targets. Study 2 (rating of gender-role conformity) showed that the link between self-reported and attributed SO was mediated by self-reported and attributed gender-role conformity. Results support the centrality of gender-role conformity, more than that of SO, in impression formation.

In a work context, impression formation processes may determine individuals' success or failure. For example, when hiring, personnel managers often evaluate a large quantity of application material in a short time. Determining personal careers, managers decide for whom they open or close the doors to climb up the career ladder.Equal Treatment Acts prescribe that hiring decisions are unbiased by stereotypes, prejudice, and discrimination. In practice, stereotyping is hard to avoid even if individuals try to avoid biased impressions based on social-group memberships. Nowadays, avoiding stereotyping could be even harder because many employers use the strategy of searching for private information about applicants on social networks. Thus, they gain access to a lot of additional and personal |

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While the perception of sexual orientation in voices often relies on stereotypes, it is unclear whether speech stereotypes and accurate perceptions of sexual orientation are each based on acoustic cues common to speakers of a given group. We ask if the stereotypical belief, that members of the same sexual orientation group share similar acoustic patterns, is accurate to some degree. To address this issue, we are the first to use a novel voice morphing technique to create voice averages from voices that represent extremes of a given sexual orientation group either in terms of actual or perceived sexual orientation. Importantly, averaging preserves only those acoustic cues shared by the original speakers. 144 German listeners judged the sexual orientation of twelve natural-sounding sentence stimuli, each representing an average of five original utterances. Half of the averages were based on targets’ self-ratings of sexual orientation: On a 7-point Kinsey-like scale, we selected targets who were most typical for a certain sexual orientation group according to their self-identifications. The other half were based on extreme ratings by others (i.e., on speech-related sexual-orientation stereotypes). Listeners judged sexual orientation from the voice averages with above-chance accuracy suggesting 1) that the perception of actual and stereotypical sexual orientation, respectively, are based on acoustic cues shared by speakers of the same group, and 2) that the stereotypical belief that members of the same sexual orientation group share similar acoustic patterns is accurate to some degree. Mean fundamental frequency and other common acoustic parameters showed systematic variation depending on speaker gender and sexual orientation. Effects of sexual orientation were more pronounced for stereotypical voice averages than for those based on speakers’ self-ratings, suggesting that sexual-orientation stereotypes exaggerate even those differences present in the most salient groups of speakers. Implications of our findings for stereotyping and discrimination are discussed.

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